The country’s youth are the interim government’s main source of support, but experts warn that this support may not last forever.
After weeks of protests and riots that claimed over 600 lives, Bangladesh’s prime minister, Sheikh Hasina, was overthrown a month ago by a student-led revolution.
Student demonstrations against government employment turned into a widespread uprising against the longest-serving prime leader in the nation.
On August 5, Hasina, 76, left for India as her resentment of her government grew. However, the removal led to additional bloodshed.
Up until the swearing in of a new temporary administration headed by Muhammad Yunus, police went on strike and rioters rampaged around the nation.
One month after the nation was rocked by the worst bloodshed in decades, this is the current state of affairs:
What priorities does the acting government have?
Yunus stated after taking office that his main goals would be to combat corruption, bring back peace and order, and get ready for new elections.
His government, which consists of two leaders of the student movement, is focused on revamping and changing all of Bangladesh’s institutions, including the judiciary, police, and electoral board.
It is also asking the UNDP for assistance in order to do this.
Since protests against Hasina swiftly turned into a furious backlash against her government, reforms have become a top priority. Her regime had restricted civil society, restricted independent media, and imprisoned opposition members.
Along with accusing Hasina’s Awami League of corruption, protestors stated that during her 15-year leadership, public institutions such as the Bangladesh Election Commission had been undermined.
Yunus needs some time.
He claimed that his government had made a significant effort to stop the chaos and violence that followed Hasina’s overthrow.
“I request everyone to be patient,” he stated. “It is one of our objectives that public institutions regain public trust.”
How is Bangladesh’s mood?
There is still unrest. About 100 companies have closed as a result of garment workers’ demands for higher salaries, and tensions are rising as there is residual but pervasive resentment toward Hasina and her Awami League.
Presently living in self-imposed exile, Hasina is accused of murder in over 100 cases. Following widespread protests, key officials who were thought to be close to her resigned.
Numerous cases have also been filed against people connected to Hasina, her party, or her government; these people include journalists, judges, former ministers, and even a well-known cricket player. They have experienced assaults, detained from departing the nation, and incarcerated. Rights organizations have denounced these one-time fees as well.
Zillur Rahman, executive director of the Centre for Governance Studies, a Dhaka-based think tank, stated that the majority of the cases are politically motivated and have weak legal foundations.
According to Rahman, there are worries that “the system that Hasina perpetuated is still alive, just the victims have changed” as a result of this type of “vigilante justice”.
How about the pupils?
Hasina was driven out of office by students, and a week later they were controlling traffic in Dhaka, the country’s metropolis.
Since then, a number of educational institutions have reopened, notably Dhaka University, which served as the focal point of the anti-Hasina demonstrations. However, things haven’t returned to normal yet.
Numerous leaders of academic institutions have been compelled to step down, and in certain instances, despite the official start of courses, fewer students are showing up.
Nonetheless, a lot of students are still positive that the temporary administration will actually effect meaningful change.
Dhaka University student Sneha Akter thinks the first step is to remove the people who were in control before.
“By replacing them, we are correcting past mistakes,” she said. “Changes to the entire nation cannot be made in a single month. We must provide the administration some leeway.”
Hafizur Rahman, a fellow student at Dhaka University, stated that some people believe the Yunus-led interim administration ought to stay in place until significant reforms are implemented, “whether that takes three months, three years, or even six years”.
What comes next?
One gets the impression that things are gradually getting back to normal in Dhaka, where the streets are no longer a conflict zone for students and security personnel. The nationwide curfew with a shoot-on-sight order has been lifted, and internet is back up.
There is hope for a new chapter now that the violence has subsided significantly. The police, who went on strike due to concerns about their personal safety, are back at work, and stores, banks, hotels, and restaurants are open.
Still, they have a low morale. Since their crackdown on the students still lingers in the thoughts of many Bangladeshis, officers are less noticeable on the streets and appear reluctant to deal with disruptions.
During the rebellion, dozens of police officers lost their lives and their stations were robbed and set on fire.
Restoring the economy will also be difficult because of the weeks-long shutdown that occurred during the revolt, which caused food and commodity prices to skyrocket.
The most important query is: When will the next elections take place?
According to some observers, the interim administration should concentrate on fostering agreement among political parties regarding reforms and set the date for the polls, as it is not authorized to implement significant changes.
Thus yet, Hasina’s Awami League has not received much attention.
Though Michael Kugelman, director of the Wilson Center’s South Asia Institute, points out that support from the youth of the country may not last forever, Yunus is counting on it.
“If security continues to be a problem and economic relief is slow to come … young people could grow impatient and anxious,” Kugelman added.
The Bangladesh Nationalist Party (BNP), Hasina’s main rival, has been pressuring for early elections because it believes it has the best chance of winning the polls.
“That raises an unsettling question: What happens if the BNP, which has no formal role in the interim government, doesn’t get the elections it wants to see soon?” stated Kugelman. “Will it cause a stir? Will it lead to discontent?”
“That could pose new risks to law and order and deepen political uncertainty and volatility,” he said.
